The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as one of the most significant incumbents of that position in the nation's history. Although many second-in-commands were limited to minor or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded substantial power during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and said the relationship was more complex. He observed that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the relaxed president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks transformed him, leading him to become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the waterboarding of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I had faith back then and I believe it now."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, as a baseline," he wrote later "clear negligence, inaction, and irresponsibility: potentially, lying, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a document outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (including "obtaining vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be positioned to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the presidency vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of lowering America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his father's visage that each person had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement supporting attacking Iraq, repeatedly referencing information documents that were whether weak or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush administration indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had come from the torture, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create procedures to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers given to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the sinister strategist in the shadows that nobody ever sees emerge from his domain? This represents a advantageous way to work, actually."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his business interests accompanied him during his tenure as VP. While he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum companies, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the firm rose from his $258,394 when he was military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
